Definition Of Effective Leadership And Leadership

Scripture has much to say in regards to leadership and those in positions of leadership. The Bible tells us that leaders are to lead with integrity and values that govern the heart. â€Å"So he shepherded them according to the integrity of his heart, and guided them with skillful hands.† (Psalm 78:72 NKJV) Unfortunately, that is not the practice of many in leadership, often leaders operate with a public set of values that differs from that of their private life. The definition of effective leadership has changed from character driven leadership to results oriented leadership and is now determined by the results a leader produces, as long as the leader is producing good results, the private life of a leader has no bearing on the situation. (Rima, 2000) While it is true, that leaders can, for a time, engage in a quality practice of leadership that differs from their personal life and produce positive results, eventually, the destructive behaviors of their personal life will aff ect and influence their public life and may result in failure and scandal. The dangers of this dichotomy are leaders that are emotionally or psychologically unhealthy and the end result is leaders that lack integrity and depth of character. The consequence of this philosophy is failed businesses and churches, ineffective governments, broken marriages and families. This disconnect between the public and private life has led to a major distrust and wariness of public leaders. Rima believes that the root causeShow MoreRelatedThe Definition Of Effective Leadership1520 Words   |  7 PagesDefinition of effective leadership Most historians rank George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, Thomas Jefferson, and Theodore Roosevelt as America’s finest leaders. Agreement on their quality is so strong, in fact, that in the 1920s, their likenesses were immortalized on Mount Rushmore, which has since become an iconic symbol of great leadership. On the other end of the spectrum, Warren G. Harding, Pierce, James Buchanan, and George W. Bush are ranked as among our worst leaders. Herbert Hoover, JohnRead MoreWhat Is Your Definition of Leadership? Discuss and Critically Analyse One ‘Effective’ Leadership Case – and One ‘Less Effective’ Leadership Case. Summarise What These Cases Tell You About the Nature and Dynamics of Leadership.†2179 Words   |  9 PagesIn my opinion, leadership is the ability to inspire and motivate people enough for them to be willing to participate and get involved towards the achievement of a common goal. I see leadership as a process which can be improved over time and experience, but only by someone who has some innate leadership competences. In determining what leadership means to me, I decided to analyse two different leadership cases. I will firstly discuss and analyse Nelson Mandela’s leadership style, which appearedRead MoreDifferent Definitions Of Leadership, My Leadership Style, How I Think And Today s Time865 Words   |  4 PagesWithout Leadership Everyone Would Be Lost and Disorganized If a person was to ponder about where leadership is found they would eventually conclude it is everywhere. Leadership could be argued that when God made the earth and all of its creatures that he gave us the capability to lead. We see this from Adam and Eve, Noah, Sampson, Abraham, David, Sara, Mary, Jesus and all of his disciples. Anyone can be an effective leader if they are educated on how to be one. Leaders are found everywhere inRead MoreA Comprehensive Leadership Approach On Leadership1421 Words   |  6 PagesComprehensive Leadership Approach Thoughts on Leadership Just the thought of leadership excites me. This is because I became very interested in the topic of leadership, immediately after I joined the United States Army in 2003. As a civilian, without any job experience, I had never been formally exposed to leadership, although, in retrospect, I was surrounded by family and community leaders. There are numerous sources that depict leadership. In this writing, I describe my thoughts on leadership in termsRead MoreDifferences Between Leadership And Management1389 Words   |  6 Pagesdifferences between Leadership and Management in general, and in law enforcement in particular. How do the primary concerns of these responsibilities differ? Are abilities in both areas necessary for effective police supervisors? If so, why? Leadership and Management can be mutually exclusive concepts. A person can be a leader in management, but a manager does not necessarily have to be a leader. What makes this concept true can be found in the definitions of both leadership and management. AlthoughRead MoreLeadership Definitions Of Leadership As A Leader1224 Words   |  5 Pagesâ€Å"what is leadership?†. Many people question what this term means as it is a fundamental skill which is required in the workforce (Avery, 2004). Leadership definitions have been approached in various ways with many authors relating to the nature of leadership rather than distinctively defining the term itself (Antonakis, Cianciolo, Sternberg, 2004 cited in Northouse, 2014). Many factors contribute to the meaning of leadership; behaviours, influences and theories all add to the definition of leadershipRead MoreLeadership Theories And Leadership Styles1512 Words   |  7 Pagesand provide examples surrounding various leadership t heories and leadership styles that sustain the definition of a public leader. First, this paper will provide a definition of a public leader. Next, it determine two leadership theories and two leadership styles that support the definition of a public leader. Also, this paper will assess the effectiveness of the two leadership theories. Subsequently, it will assess the effectiveness of the two leadership styles. Further, this paper will utilizeRead MoreLeadership And Management And Leadership1569 Words   |  7 PagesLeadership is about seeking constructive change and management is about establishing order (Northouse, 2015). Warren Bennis (1997) wrote in  Learning to Lead: A Workbook on Becoming a Leader  that â€Å"There is a profound difference between management and leadership, and both are important. To manage means to bring about, to accomplish, to have charge of or responsibility for, to conduct. Leading is influencing, guiding in a direction, course, action, opinion. The distinction is crucial.† (Leiding,Read MoreLeadership As A Leader And The Employees At The Hospitals974 Words   |  4 Pagesshould be the leader and the employees at the hospitals are not exception. After reading the course textbook about leaderships, I realized that, some of the people competing for the leadership positions did not even understood it. I defined leadership as treating other people the way that you will like others to treat you while trying to achieve shared goals. My definition of leadership is in line with the say which states that, treat others the way you will want them to treat you. This is becaus eRead MoreCommunication Is A Part Of Everyday Life Essay1383 Words   |  6 Pages Communication and Leadership Melissa Stevens ORG 300-5 Applying Leadership Principles Dr. Barbara-Leigh Tonelli September 29, 2016 Communication is a part of everyday life. Not only is it present in our personal lives, but in the workplace as well. Communication is an essential skill that we cannot avoid, and should be perfected as a goal in improving your leadership efficiency. When in a leadership role, the leader must influence others effectively. Being an

To what extent was the Cold War inevitable after the end of World War 2 - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 8 Words: 2450 Downloads: 9 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category History Essay Type Analytical essay Topics: World War 2 Essay Did you like this example? Unless you believe in predeterminism, nothing is inevitable in history. However, some things have a higher probability of happening than others, and this is what this study addresses. It looks at possibilities other than the outcome which occurred and explores why these scenarios did not prevail. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "To what extent was the Cold War inevitable after the end of World War 2?" essay for you Create order It then looks at the actual unfolding of events and the deeper history which led to the Cold War emerging between 1945 and 1947/48. It analyses the factors which inclined the world towards ideological polarisation and evaluates what was the most significant. Several outcomes other than an armed, hostile stand-off could have emerged at the end of World War II. There might have been a hot war, with the vast armies of the Soviet Union pitched against the equally powerful armed might of the Western Allies. Alternatively, there could have been electoral successes and popular uprisings by communist and other radical left-wing movements across Western Europe leading to the coming to power of regimes less willing to take a hostile stance towards the USSR. Thirdly, elections in Eastern Europe might have resulted in Soviet influence stopping at her own borders and hence no Iron Curtain stretching from Stettin to Trieste (Thomas, 1988, 703). Finally, a more cooperative, consensual and less s uspicious approach to diplomacy would possibly have achieved a mutually acceptable rapprochement. Apart from some hot-headed, dyed-in-the-wool anti-communists, such as General George Patton, there was little desire to start up another war against erstwhile allies. For the politicians of the democracies, initiating a new war would have been political suicide. For Stalin, there was little to be gained since he was in control of sufficient east European territory to create a series of buffer states to protect the Soviet Union (Leffler, 1986). Additionally, the USA had developed and demonstrated the use of the atomic bomb, something which the Russians had not yet mastered. Equally significantly, despite Churchills extreme wariness about Soviet post-war intentions in Europe, President Roosevelt was less concerned with ideas of Russian expansionism and he was by far the senior Western partner. He was willing to treat with Stalin, seeing the winning of the war as much more important tha n manoeuvring for later anti-communist geostrategic advantage (Offner, 1999). Despite his death a month before victory in Europe, his cooperative legacy prevailed long enough to make a shooting war with the USSR a non-starter (van Alstein, 2009). The prospect of a much more left-leaning political Europe was a genuine possibility. In Britain, the Labour Party won an overwhelming victory in the 1945 election, while in Italy there was a very real possibility of the Communist Party at the least being a participant in Italys first post-war government. Determined that Italy must remain in the Western camp, President Truman authorised the covert transfer of vast amounts of cash to the anti-communist Christian Democrat Party which proved significant in overcoming the initial broad support for the anti-fascist parties of the left (Mistry, 2014). Even more decisive was the decision to finance and arm the right-wing government in Greece during the civil war which began in 1946. Trumans supp ort came at a crucial moment when it looked like communist forces might prevail. Significantly Stalin chose not to back the insurgents, honouring the agreements reached at Moscow in 1944 and the Yalta Conference of 1945 over spheres of influence in Europe. Similar US aid was extended to Turkey to prevent her entering into any agreement with Russia over defence and access to the Mediterranean. Had things turned out differently in those countries, it might well have strengthened the already powerful communist movements in France and Belgium (Gaddis, 2005; Edwards, 1989). The scenario of elections in the eastern European nations occupied by Soviet forces at the end of the war producing non-communist governments was not impossible, although neither was it likely. Western historians have largely seen the Russians imposing puppet communist governments upon unwilling populaces, but in each country there were strong indigenous communist movements (Theoharis, 1976; Joll, 1973). Once in po wer, however, each regime refused to submit itself for re-election. This was not wholly because of Russian force of arms, but also because these regimes knew that their hold upon power depended on remaining within the Soviet bloc and thus they acquiesced in becoming client states. For Stalin they provided a buffer against what he still saw as a threat from the West to their very existence (Starobin, 1969). After experiencing foreign intervention in the 1917-22 civil war, international ostracism in the subsequent interwar years, and a brutal, genocidal invasion by Germany, it is not altogether surprising that Stalin was somewhat wary. It has been argued by numerous revisionist historians that, in the immediate post-war years, Stalin was seeking rapprochement with the West (Zubok Pleshakov, 1996; Roberts, 1994; Starobin, 1969). This seems persuasive since the Soviet Union was in desperate need of a period of retrenchment after the terrible depredations of the life-or-death struggl e against Nazi invasion which it had just endured. There was a shield-wall of buffer states in place, Stalin was both unwilling and unable to expand any further, no attempt was made to incorporate Finland or Austria into the communist orbit despite having ample opportunity to do so, both the Western Allies and the USSR had demobilised the great bulk of their armed forces by 1948, and the West had been given free rein to impose its preferred political set-up in Italy, Greece and Turkey (Hobsbawm, 1994). Why then did there not emerge a period of international tensionless coexistence? There seems to be two principal reasons for this: the presidency of Harry Truman, and Western (especially American) ideological intransigence. Truman was a truculent, belligerent individual who had little experience of foreign affairs when he became president upon Roosevelts death. He had a very black-and-white, us-and-them view of the world, and despite his lack of knowledge of political belief-system s beyond the USA, was viscerally anti-communist (Costigliola, 2010). Alan Offner described him as a parochial nationalist who lacked the leadership to move America away from conflict and towards dÃÆ' ©tente (1999, 150), seeing his aggressive posturing towards the USSR as a major factor causing Stalin to adopt more hard-line, domineering policies in the Russian zone of influence in eastern Europe. It was during his speech announcing US aid to Turkey and Greece that Truman first enunciated his Policy of Containment towards the Soviet Union. [T]otalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace and hence the security of the United Statesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ It must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or outside pressures. (Edwards, 1989, 131) Truman was setting up the USA as the worlds policeman, and in the process was creating the basis of American policy towards the USSR for the next forty years. The Soviet Union was to be treated as an implacable foe, as the ideological antithesis of what America believed it stood for, and as a state intent on undermining democracy and Western civilisation (Roberts, 1991). As such it was an existential threat which must be opposed and contained everywhere and at all times. Some historians have argued that Containment was the wrong term for American/Western aims during the Cold War à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the goal was in fact the collapse and destruction of the Soviet state and system and its displacement by liberal democratic institutions, whatever the rhetoric about co-existence. (Kimball, 2001, 352) Truman began this policy, marking a distinct break with the consensual approach of his predecessor (Costigliola, 2010). Obsessive anti-communism so permeated successive high-level American thinking that almost all foreign policy was seen in terms of defeating the Ru ssians and their evil doctrines. Joseph Siracusa described the USA developing an increasingly rigid ideological view of the world à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" anti-communist, anti-socialist, anti-leftist à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" that came to rival that of communism. (Siracusa, 2001, 154) The roots of this preoccupation can be traced to the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, not so much the events or even the consequences for Russia, but rather the self-proclaimed global mission of fomenting world insurrection against the established order, the propertied classes and liberal capitalism. However, during the interwar years, the USSR was not viewed as a dangerously powerful state, and when Stalin promulgated the policy of socialism in one country there was even less reason to be proactively hostile. Ideological animosity was still intense, but action was confined to trade embargoes and a refusal to recognise the Soviet Union. It was only in 1933 that Roosevelt extended recognition when the threat of fascism appeared much greater than that of communism (Roberts, 1991). As well as the personality and worldview of Truman, events between 1945 and 1948 progressively and cumulatively increased the polarisation and ratcheted up hostility. Among these were the abandonment by Britain and the USA of their commitment to making the Germans pay substantial reparations, something which had been agreed at Yalta and was seen as important and necessary by Russia which had suffered far worse infrastructural and economic damage than the Western Allies. Choosing the option of rehabilitation over repression (Thomas, 1988), the British and Americans merged their occupations areas into the Bizone, then created the Trizone by adding the French sector, introducing a single currency for the whole area. This established a framework for an integrated administrative economic area in the Western sectors, a development advanced greatly in 1947 by the Marshall Plan (Lewkowicz, 2008). The Marshall Plan was not the simple gesture of a generous United States unselfishly seeking to help a debilitated Europe recover. The aim was to create an Open-Door policy within a free-trade Europe where the USA could freely sell its surplus production and invest its huge capital reserves. Money which was offered as aid came with strings attached. What could be bought and from whom was carefully prescribed, the greater part being American-made goods, while the supra-national decision-making body administering the Plan was dominated by the Americans (Roberts, 1994). The Russians, initially welcoming the Plan, quickly recognised its underlying economic and political disadvantages. They saw it creating a design for Europe which would work to the benefit of the USA within an ideologically unacceptable framework, and declined to participate. The creation of the Trizone and its further binding together with Marshall Aid was only one step away from the implementation of political integration. Following the Berlin Blockade, this duly happened in May 1949 with the declaration of the Federal Republic of Germany. Five months later the German Democratic Republic was established (Lewkowicz, 2008; Roberts, 1994). The crystallisation of a bipolar Europe was mirrored in the Far East. As part of a deal struck with Stalin, the Americans were given free rein to restructure both Japan and the Philippines which they turned into compliant pro-American, pro-capitalist states. Korea was divided between the two blocs, while Vietnam was prevented from unifying as one nation under Ho Chi Minh and his nationalist-communist liberation movement by the Americans. Against all the anti-imperial promises of Roosevelt, Truman encouraged the French to return as colonial masters in the South rather than let the country be united under a left-wing regime (Theoharis, 1976; Herring, 1986). Effectively, the USA was engaging in an economic, ideological and military-backed expansionist policy while accusing the USSR of tha t self-same activity. Post-war international relations were always going to tend towards the development of two rival camps, but that is not sufficient to explain the intense hostility which emerged. In early 1945, cooperation was still the dominant paradigm among the Allies, not just to defeat the Axis, but for reasons of future security and peace. Ideological differences were seen more as domestic matters than major shapers of international relations. Soviet expansionism and her claim to zones of influence were regarded largely as conventional Russian nationalist ambitions, and were matched by the Western Allies own zones of influence. However, coinciding with the advent of Truman, suspicions and misreadings of the other sides intentions emerged. Fearing the worst, both began acting upon their misconceived views of the other and started behaving in ways that confirmed their opponents preconceptions, creating self-fulfilling prophecies about what the other would do (van Alstein, 2009). It is not surprising that Stalin acted out of paranoia and suspicion as his domestic record in the late 1920s and 1930s testifies, but Truman was his ideological counterpart in his misreading of Russian intentions and his doggedly anti-communist certainty. William Fulbright summed up the emerging ideological mind-set which would dominate US foreign-policy thinking for four decades and which was the most important factor in creating the reality of the Cold War: Like medieval theologians we had a philosophy that explained everything to us in advance, and everything that did not fit could be readily identified as a fraud or a lie or an illusionà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ The perniciousness of the anti-Communist ideology arises not from any patent falsehood but from its distortion and simplification of reality, from its universalization and its elevation to the status of a revealed truth. (Fulbright, 1972, 43) It was not inevitability which led to the Cold War, but inflexibility. Bibliography Costigliola, Frank. After Roosevelts Death: Dangerous Emotions, Divisive Discourses, and the Abandoned Alliance. Diplomatic History 34, no. 1 (2010): 1-24. Edwards, Lee. Congress and the Origins of the Cold War: The Truman Doctrine. World Affairs 151, no. 3 (1989): 131-141. Fulbright, J. William. Reflections: In Thrall to Fear. The New Yorker, January 1972: 41-43. Gaddis, John Lewis. The Cold War . London: Penguin, 2005. Herring, George C. Americas Longest War: The United States and Vietnam, 1950-1975. 2nd edition. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986. Hobsbawm, Eric. Age of Extremes. London: Penguin, 1994. Joll, James. Europe Since 1870: An International History. London: Pelican, 1973. Kimball, Warren F. The Incredible Shrinking War: The Second World War, Not (Just) the Origins of the Cold War. Diplomatic History 25, no. 3 (2001): 347-365. Leffler, Melvyn P. Adherence to Agreements: Yalta and the Experiences of the Early Cold War. International Security 11, no. 1 (1986): 88-123. Lewkowicz, Nicolas. The German Question and the Origins of the Cold War. Milan: IPOC di Pietro Condemi, 2008. Mistry, Kaeten. The United States, Italy and the Origins of Cold War: Waging Political Warfare, 1945-1950. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Offner, Arnold A. Another such victory: President Truman, American foreign policy, and the Cold War. Diplomatic History 23, no. 2 (1999): 127-155. Roberts, Geoffrey. Moscow and the Marshall Plan: Politics, ideology and the onset of the Cold War, 1947. Europe-Asia Studies 46, no. 8 (1994): 1371-1386. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬ . The Soviet Union in World Politics: Coexistence, Revolution and Cold War, 1945-1991. London: Routledge, 1999. Siracusa, Joseph M. The New Cold War History and the Origins of the Cold War. Australian Journal of Politics and History 47, no. 1 (2001): 149-155. Starobin, Joseph R. Origins of the Cold War: The Communist Dimension. Foreign Affairs 47, no. 4 (1969): 681-696. T heoharis, Atan. The origins of the Cold War: A revisionist interpretation. Foreign Affairs 4, no. 1 (1976): 3-11. Thomas, Hugh. Armed Truce. Sevenoaks: Hodder and Stoughton, 1988. van Alstein, Maarten. The meaning of hostile bipolarization: Interpreting the origins of the Cold War. Cold War History 9, no. 3 (2009): 301-319. Zubok, Vladislav, and Constantine Pleshakov. Inside the Kremlins Cold War: From Stalin to Khrushchev. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996.

Gang Membership Social And Psychological Factors That...

Gang membership accounts for the rising number of youth and street gangs since the 1950’s, since the development of gangs globally, especially in New Zealand there are significant factors that influences becoming a gang member. There is a range of social and psychological factors that underpin and gain insight into the dynamic gang structure of gangs and how this influences others to become involved in gangs. Research has noted there are push and pull factors that are associated with the theory of ‘multiple marginality’ this theory tackles how groups feel after being left on the boundaries of society, therefore has encouraged them to become involved in deviant behavior. The growth in predominantly Maori gangs such as the Mongrel Mob and Black Power through the 1960’s and 1970’s has caused contrservesity whether ‘multiple marginality’ impacts and is responsible for this issue. However there is no single reason for gang membership, having the ability to understand how the role of social and psychological factors impact the rise in gang membership in New Zealand, is needed to address this concern it is key aspect in addressing the development of present gangs and why they are becoming more dominant in society. Theory of multiple marginality Multiple marginality can be defined as the living on the boundaries of society, therefore not being influenced and following the ‘norms’ of society expectations. It is important to make the distinction between predominantly Maori gangs forShow MoreRelatedSocial And Psychological Factors Of Gang Membership Essay1859 Words   |  8 PagesGang membership has accounted for the increase in the number of youth and street gangs since the 1950’s. The development of gangs globally, especially in New Zealand, exhibits the fact that there are significant influences pushing people towards becoming a gang member. 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Passion and Revenge in The White Devil Essay Example For Students

Passion and Revenge in The White Devil Essay Passion and Revenge inThe White Devil John Webster was born around 1580 and died around 1634. Hewas an English Jacobean dramatist best known for his tragedies The White Devil and The Duchess of Malfi, which are often regarded as masterpieces of the early 17th-century English stage.1According to ReneWeis in the introduction of the book The Duchess of Malfi and other plays by John Webster,The White Devil is based on sources about the life and death of Vittoria Accoramboni of Gubbio (1557-85) and her turbulent marriage (or repeated marriages) to the Duke of Bracciano. The play traces the couples relationship, aided and abetted by Vittoriasbrother Flamineo.2However, in this paper I will focus on the passion and revenge in the play. Passion, according to me, is the driving force in the play The White Devil. Had it not been for the passion the charactersfelt, theyprobably wouldnt have acted the way they did. Flamineos passionto climb up the social ladderis what incites him to plot with Bracciano the murders of Braccianos wife, Isabella, and Flamineos brother-in-law, Camillo.Braccianos passion for Vittoria is what stimulates him tohire someone tomurderIsabella andplot with Flamineo the murder ofCamillo.The passion of Francisco to avenge Isabellas death is what incites him to disguise later on in the play andpoison Bracciano. Lodovicos passion for Isabella, he is in love with her, is what incites him to enter the quest for revenge with Francisco and Cardinal Monticelso, who wanted to avenge the death of Camillo. Since Bracciano is in love with Vittoria, the sister of Flamineo, Flamineo does whatever he is capable of to aid Bracciano in marrying Vittoria: FLAMINEO Pursue your noble wishes; I am prompt/ As lightning to your service. O my lord! / (Whispers) The fair Vittoria, my happy sister, / Shall give you present audience. Gentlemen, / Let the caroche go on, and tis his pleasure/ You put out all your torches and depart.3(The White Devil 1.2. 4-9).Bracciano then asks about the husband of Vittoria, Camillo; Flamineo responds by saying Hang him, a gilder that hath his brains perished with quicksilver is not more cold in the liver.4(The White Devil 1.2. 26-27)Even so early in the play Flamineo already suggesttoBracciano to murder Camillo since he is a gilder which according to the notes in the bookThe Duchess of Malfi and Other Plays by John Webstermeans repeated exposure to the vapors of mercury usedin gilding could cause tremors and insanity when inhaled. The liver was thought to be the sea t of passion.5The meaning of the sentence is that Camillo is basically useless.Further lines down Flamineo keeps on encouraging Bracciano to pursue Vittoria romantically. Flamineo tries so hard to persuade Bracciano to pursue Vittoria all because of the passion he has to climb up the social ladder.Personally, Flamineo reminds me of Hamlets uncle, who so desperately wanted to become a king and kills his own brother and marries his brothers widow. Bracciano, on the other hand is easily manipulated because of the passion he has for Vittoria. He is ready to do whatever it takes to have Vittoria. He publiclyannounces hisdivorcewithhiswife Isabella: BRACCIANO This is the latest ceremony of my love; / Henceforth Ill never lie with thee, by this, / This wedding-ring; Ill neer more lie with thee. / And this divorce shall be as truly kept, / As if the judge had doomed it; fare you well, / Our sleeps are severed.6.In order to marry Vittoria, he is capable of anything. He hires Doctor Julio and Christophero to murder his wife, he plots with Flamineo the murder of Camillo. Bracciano wont stop at anything to have Vittoria. Later on in the play, this passion he has for Vittoria drives him jealous. He finds love letters, which were written to Vittoria and he is ready to kill her. Bracciano doesnt want anyone beside him to have Vittoria. Even today people sometimes are so blinded with passion and jealousy that they will stop at nothing to h ave the person of their desire only to themselves and if that means to murdersomeone or even their most beloved person. .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 , .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 .postImageUrl , .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 , .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35:hover , .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35:visited , .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35:active { border:0!important; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35:active , .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35 .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .u6b40df2e4efc7c38aa870739262e5a35:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Different parts of a plant and their function Essay Personally, I believe that passion is a very strong emotion which can make a person behave out of his ordinary behavior and can also stimulate someone to take the law into their own hands. Which is exactly what Francisco does. He doesnt trust the legal system and the passion to avenge his sisters deathand his sisters ghost that appears to himis whatpersuadeshim to seek revenge. Francisco is mad because his sister has been murdered and the murderers are not punished.He accuses Bracciano, Vittoria and Flamineo. When Bracciano and Flamineo only hired Doctor Julio and Christophero to poison the portraitthatIsabella kisses every night.At first Francisco did not want to seek revenge:FRANCISCOFar be it from my thoughts / To seek revenge.6(The White Devil 4.1. 2-3)Francisco decides that Bracciano will be punished by God when he dies: FRANCISCOHe that unjustly caused it first proceed. / Shall find it in his grave and in his seed.7(The White Devil 4.1.10-11).But after the ghost of Isabella appears to Francisco he is persuaded to seek revenge for herdeath: FRANCISCOBracciano, I am now fit for thyencounter. / Like the wild Irish Ill neer think thee dead, / Till I can play at football with thy head.8(The White Devil 4.1. 133-5).Francisco no longer believes that he should Bracciano to live his life and meet his creator when his time comes, now Francisco wants to take ac tion and make sure that Bracciano payed with his own life for taking Isabellas life.Francisco, Cardinal Monticelso and later Lodovico disguise themselves and go after Vittoria, Flamineo and Bracciano. They do manage to poison Braccianoby using a helmetand kill him. Francisco vaguely reminds me of Hamlet. Hamlet as well sought revenge for the murder of his father.Isabellas brother will do anything to avenge her untimely death just like Hamlet did everything he could toavenge his fathers death. After Bracciano is murdered he appears as a ghost to Flamineo, who promise to avenge his death. Since Flamineobelievesthat Vittoria and Zanche havesomething to do withBraccianos death and since he promised Bracciano neither Flamineo nor Vittoria will continue to live he brings a gun and make both of the women to promise to kill each other after they kill him.In the end, Lodovico is the one who kills Vittoria, Flamineo and Zanche. Just like in the play Hamlet by William Shakespeare everyone dies. According to Rene Weis, although The White Devil reverts again and again to moral speeches and ethical positions, its power does not reside in its moral truths but9and here she quotes Alvin Kernan in the force with which it presents the dark energies of the self-uncoiling and striking whatever opposes them (Kernan 1975:396).10The way I understand this quote by Kernan is that the characters in the play will compel to their own passion and do whatever it takes to satiate it. And as I was reading the play, I saw this: Flamineos passion to climb up the social ladder is what persuades him to do whatever it takes; Braccianos passion for Vittoria is what persuades him to plot the murders of Isabella and Camillo; Franciscos passion to avenge Isabellas death is what incites him to plot the murder of Bracciano and Lodovicos passion for Isabella is what incites him to team up with Francisco in the murders of the murderers. In my opinion, the passion each of the characters felt was the driving force behind their actions in the play. Works Cited https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Webster Webster, JohnThe Duchess of Malfi and Other Plays;Edited with an Introduction byReneWeis, New York:Oxford University Press,1996 pp. XV Webster, JohnThe Duchess of Malfi and Other Plays;Edited with an Introduction byReneWeis, New York:Oxford University Press,1996 pp. 7,act 1, scene 2,lines 4-9 Webster, JohnThe Duchess of Malfi and Other Plays;Edited with an Introduction byReneWeis, New York:Oxford University Press,1996 pp. 8,act 1, scene 2, lines 26-27 Webster, JohnThe Duchess of Malfi and Other Plays;Edited with an Introduction byReneWeis, New York:Oxford University Press,1996 pp.367 Webster, JohnThe Duchess of Malfi and Other Plays;Edited with an Introduction byReneWeis, New York:Oxford University Press,1996 pp.51,act 4, scene 1,lines 2-3 Webster, JohnThe Duchess of Malfi and Other Plays;Edited with an Introduction byReneWeis, New York:Oxford University Press,1996 pp.51,act 4, scene 1,li nes 10-11 Webster, JohnThe Duchess of Malfi and Other Plays;Edited with an Introduction byReneWeis, New York:Oxford University Press,1996 pp. 54,act 4, scene 1,lines 133-135 Webster, JohnThe Duchess of Malfi and Other Plays;Edited with an Introduction byReneWeis, New York:Oxford University Press,1996 pp.XV Kernan, Alvin (1975), Banisht!: The Dark World of Jacobean Tragedy, inThe Revels History of Drama in English,vol. iii: 1576 1613